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<title>EMW 2012: Cross-Cultural Connections in the Early Modern Jewish World</title>
<copyright>Copyright (c) 2013 Wesleyan University All rights reserved.</copyright>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012</link>
<description>Recent Events in EMW 2012: Cross-Cultural Connections in the Early Modern Jewish World</description>
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<lastBuildDate>Wed, 15 May 2013 23:22:31 PDT</lastBuildDate>
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<title>Keynote: &quot;Entanglements&quot; Tom Cohen, York University, Toronto</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/10</link>
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<pubDate>Sun, 26 Feb 2012 10:30:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>Tom Cohen of York University speaks of Jewish-Christian "entanglements" in early modern Europe</p>

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<author>Tom Cohen</author>


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<title>Real or Virtual Contact? Johannes Buxtorf&apos;s Reading of Jewish Literature</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/9</link>
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<pubDate>Sun, 26 Feb 2012 13:00:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>This presentation attempts to analyse how Johannes Buxtorf the elder (1564-1629), long-time professor of Hebrew at Basel, ethnographer, lexicographer, and textual critic,read Jewish books by examining one passage from the Sefer ha-Hayyim written by Hayyim ben Bezalel (Cracow, 1593), which Buxtorf chose to integrate into his polemical critique of Jewish allegiance to the Talmud in this opening chapter of the Juden—Schul. Hayyim ben Bezalel, fated to remain second fiddle to his brother, the Maharal of Prague, had his own battles to fight against both Jews and Christians. In the selected passage, Hayyim ben Bezalel defends the Talmud as a unique possession of the Jews and suggests a reason for the apparently ‘bewildering Aggadot’. By close scrutiny of both texts we consider how and why Hayyim ben Bezalel’s plea for the Talmud engaged Buxtorf’s attention and influenced the development of his argument?</p>

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<author>Joanna Weinberg</author>


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<title>Finding Common Ground: The Metz Beit Din and the French Judicial System</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/8</link>
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<pubDate>Sun, 26 Feb 2012 15:30:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>In the two decades preceding the French Revolution, the rabbinic court of Metz functioned within a complex world of overlapping legal jurisdictions. The extant records of the beit din in the years 1771-1790 contain evidence of familiarity with French law and even an interest in taking that law into consideration in its own deliberations. From time to time, the beit din instructed litigants to consult French avocats in order to clarify a legal question, and in some cases the beit din itself initiated the consultation. There were also, certainly, instances when individuals sought the opinion of French lawyers on their own. Whatever the circumstances, it is clear that the Metz beit din wanted to avoid running afoul of French law and legal norms. But the occasional collaborative relationship with French legal officials and institutions also offers important evidence of the rabbinic court’s integration within the legal structure of the state and of the permeability of legal boundaries.</p>
<p>This presentation addresses the questions of legal boundaries.</p>
<p>It discusses the following texts included for download:</p>
<p>1. Pinkas Metz Beit Din (from the YIVO Archives), Vol. 1, pt. 1, 35a</p>
<p>2. Pinkas Metz Beit Din, Vol. 2, p. 85b</p>
<p>3. Copy of a Consultation of M. Roederer and Pakain Advocates here who were approached by the heirs of M. Reizele, 30 August 1773 (Archives départementales de la Moselle, Consistoire israélite 17J24)</p>
<p>4. Pinkas Metz Beit Din, Vol. 1, pt. 2, 16a. Record Group 128, Box 2, YIVO Archives</p>

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<author>Jay R. Berkovitz</author>


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<title>Medicine as a Cultural Connection Between Jews and Christians in Early Modern Italy</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/7</link>
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<pubDate>Sun, 26 Feb 2012 16:30:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>This presentation explores cultural connections between Jews and Christians in sixteenth-century Italy through the lens of medicine. I present and analyze two texts. The first (from 1587) is a letter from Girolamo Mercuriale, a Catholic, to Moses Alatino, a Jew. The second (from 1592) is an excerpt from a consilium sent by the Jewish physician David de' Pomi to Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino.</p>
<p>It discusses the following texts:</p>
<p>1. Girolamo Mercuriale to Moses Alatino,"On a Uterine Tumor, Painful Urination, and Constipation, for a noble young Jewess, [sent] to the Jewish Physician Moses Alatino. Consultation #16" From: Hieronymi Mercurialis Foroliviensis Responsorum, et Consultationum Medicinalium Tomus Primus (Venice, 1587), fol. 43-44.</p>
<p>2. David de’ Pomi to Francesco Maria II, Duke of Urbino (Included in) Physicians' Consilia regarding the Illness of Francesco Maria II, Duke of Urbino. From Medicorum consilia in infirmitate francisci mariae II urbini ducis, an. 1592. [Physicians' Consilia regarding the Illness of Francesco Maria II, Duke of Urbino] Vatican, cor. Urb. 1468, 119r-134r.</p>

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<author>Berns Andrew</author>


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<title>A Jewish-Christian Commentary on Luke</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/6</link>
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<pubDate>Sun, 26 Feb 2012 17:45:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>In 1735, Immanuel Frommann, a converted Jew who was working at the Institutum Judaicum in Halle translated the book of Luke and wrote a commentary on the text. This text is probably the first printed Hebrew commentary on the New Testament. In his commentary, Frommann uses a wide range of Hebrew sources. He quotes regularly from the Babylonian and Palestinian Talmud, biblical commentaries, midrashim, legal treatises, philosophical texts and historical works. He also makes use of mystical and kabbalistic works. The commentary has several layers of interpretation: relatively short lexical or grammatical explanations of words or phrases; literary explanations of the text that are meant to make it more comprehensive to the readers; as well as “Christological interpretations”. This text is unique because it was written in Hebrew thus mainly for a Jewish (male) audience and not in Latin or vernacular languages as was the case in earlier compositions that made use of Jewish texts like Johannes Lightfoot, Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae or to Surenhusius Sefer ha- Mashveh. In many ways, Frommann’s commentary is better described as a Jewish-Christian or perhaps a Christian-Jewish text. Instead of a total rejection of Jewish learning and writing, Frommann’s heavy use of the Jewish tradition in a Christian context is an attempt to reconnect Christianity and Judaism.</p>
<p>The presentation discusses the following text:</p>
<p>1. A Gospel according to Luke the Evangelist that is taken from books known as the New Testament, copied from the Greek, to the holy tongue, and explained with a commentary, Part I, in the year 495 (1735) -- Evangelium Lucae pars prior ab erudito proselyto Henr. Christ. Imman. Frommanno Doct. Med. in linguam ebraeam transferri ac explicari curauit ediditque Io. Henr. Callenberg, Halle, 1735</p>

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<author>Yaacov Deutsch</author>


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<title>A Jewish Merchant Family and a Moroccan Ruler</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/5</link>
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<pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 09:00:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>These three documents are from the Lévy-Corcos archives, a private collection of family documents in Paris, which I photographed in 1985. A few comments on what Jewish family archives reveal about Muslim-Jewish relations in Morocco: It was not uncommon for elite Jewish families to pass down from generation to generation various kinds of Muslim and Jewish legal documents, including Arabic decrees of rulers (dahirs) and letters from Muslim governmental officials. Such documents were kept as records of property, debts, or special privileges. Significantly, literate Jews did not read or write in the Arabic script, and thus could not read the documents in their possession. None of these three letters are addressed personally to the individual Jews in question, though they are intended as commands to be followed by both the Jews and Muslim officials. The first document is a letter sent from Sultan Sulayman’s brother to his son, ‘Abd al-Malik (the latter was governor of Agadir), pertaining to the Jewish merchant, Meir Macnin. The description in Judeo Arabic erroneously states that the document was from the sultan. Why, then, was the document in possession of descendants of the family? One can assume that it was customary (or required) for government officials to give such documents to the individuals concerned for safekeeping. The other two documents are royal decrees that would have been sent to the governing officials in the port of Essaouira (Mogador), one pertaining to Shlomo Macnin (the brother of Meir), and the second to the “children of Ibn Macnin.” Likewise, it must have been expected that once communicated to the governing authorities, the Macnins would keep these documents in their possession.</p>
<p>These documents raise a number of questions about Muslim-Jewish relations in Morocco and, more generally, the Islamic world in pre-modern times. While the letters pertain to the relationship of elite individuals (court Jews may not be the best concept here), they reflect the larger tensions embedded in the concept of dhimmi, which is both a contract between the individual Jew (in the Maghrib there were no dhimmi Christians), and the Muslim ruler, and between Jews as a collectivity and the Muslim community writ large. The patrimonial relationship between ruler and ruled revealed in these letters might in one context have little to do with religious difference, but in another context be shaped by the differences between Muslim and Jews as separate religious communities. These documents show commonalities between Muslims and Jews as well as the recognition of cultural and linguistic boundaries. They also reveal the interdependency of Muslims and Jews, and how each participant understood the benefits and liabilities of that relationship.</p>

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<author>Daniel Schroeter</author>


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<title>Jailhouse Encounter: A Sixteenth-Century Jewish-Christian Tale and its Historiographical Ramifications</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/4</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/4</guid>
<pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 10:00:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>This presentation examines two excerpts from the little known early seventeenth-century German memoirs of the non-Jewish Swabian merchant Hans Ulrich Krafft (1550–1621).1 Krafft was born into one of the most respected families in the city of Ulm, in southern Germany. In the 1570s, he served as a factor for the Augsburg-based Manlich trade company in the Levant. 2 In the summer of 1574, however, the Manlich Trade Company went bankrupt, and Krafft, who did not have the means to pay off the debts he had guaranteed on behalf of his employers, was arrested and imprisoned in Tripoli (now in Lebanon). This dismal situation was to last for three years, and Krafft faced moments of real crisis. For example, he was kept for forty days in a cell without a ray of sunlight, and the hygienic situation in the tiny cells was abominable. I would like to present two excerpts from Krafft’s nearly 500-page long memoirs. The first excerpt describes an episode from his imprisonment when he was visited by a German Jew named Mayer Winterbach, who came from the same region of Swabia. Despite Krafft’s initial reluctance, the two men eventually formed a friendship. More than a decade after Krafft’s release, they met again in Germany and continued their amicable relationship (excerpt 2). Krafft’s detailed and personal account provides us with insight into the nature of this uncommon, or perhaps not so uncommon, cross-cultural connection.</p>

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<author>Daniel Jütte</author>


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<title>The Early Modern Inn as a Space for Religious and Cultural Exchange</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/3</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/3</guid>
<pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 13:00:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>While it is relatively easy to map out mutual cultural influences between Jews and non‐Jews, it is much more difficult to map out the mechanisms of this cultural exchange. Such instances of cultural exchange may have happened indirectly, for example, through books, as Joanna Weinberg termed it, through “virtual contact”; or, directly, through “real” human interaction. The texts presented here deal with the latter. One set of texts is a selection of several seventeenth‐century takkanot, rulings, by the Council of Four Lands, the supra‐communal organization responsible primarily for collection of taxes levied by the Polish state but also engaging in administration of affairs within Jewish communities. The second text comes from Polish court records and shows a criminal trial of a Jewish tavern keeper, Szmul Dubiński, accused of blasphemy in Rzeszow in 1726.</p>
<p>This presentation discusses the following texts:</p>
<p>1. Pinkas Va`ad Arba Aratsot [Minute Book of the Council of Four Lands] Year (5)367 – 1607</p>
<p>2. Trial of Szmul Dubiński (1726), Archiwum Państwowe w Rzeszowie, AmR, 27, pp. 348-351, published in Adam Kaźmierczyk, ed., Żydzi polscy 1648-1772 (Cracow: Uniwesytet Jagielloński, 2001), 147-150.</p>

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<author>Magda Teter</author>


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<title>Cultural Transmission and Assimilation in a Quotidian Key: The Conversion of Two Jews in Spain, 1790- 1792</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/2</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/2</guid>
<pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 14:00:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>The Early Modern Period, an era of “confessionalization,” provides numerous examples of individuals of immediate, distant, feigned, or merely imputed Jewish origin whose religious and social allegiances shifted radically. The phenomenon of Iberian New Christians or conversos comes to mind. Early modern Jews who became Christians but who, unlike conversos, possessed no personal and familial background in Christianity constitute an allied field of research (See examples in the Bibliography, below). Scholarly assessments of the ways in which these Jewish non-conversos learned and influenced their adopted Christian culture(s) often concentrate on intellectual production. The focus is not surprising, as the converts under discussion were usually educated individuals to whom Christian patrons often assigned prominent roles as anti-Jewish polemicists and missionaries. By contrast to the apologetic works and other religious writings of and about such converts, the texts presented here offer glimpses of the experience of uneducated, relatively inarticulate people of very modest material means who found themselves at a crossroads between Jewish (or Jewish-identified) and Hispano-Catholic identities, and whose formal cultural realignment caused no historical ripple. The folios selected for this workshop comprise large excerpts of two inquisitorial cases dating from the early 1790s. Both dossiers are relatively brief and fragmentary. I offer them together in order to provide more analytical possibilities than each of the documents would offer by itself.</p>

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<author>David Graizbord</author>


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<title>EMW 2012: Cross-Cultural Connections in the Early Modern Jewish World</title>
<link>http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/1</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/emw/emw2012/emw2012/1</guid>
<pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 10:00:00 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>Understanding the processes of cultural change in early modern history as a process of creating and negotiating social, cultural, and religious borders has become a commonplace in the last generation of research. This perspective has great validity for Jewish history, too: early modern Jews also found themselves in a range of new settings, which allowed a considerably greater range of interactions with their non-Jewish neighbors than had previously been the case. It was not only geographical dispersion that broadened their social, economic, cultural and religious contacts with their non-Jewish surroundings: new ideas and ideologies deriving from the thought of the renaissance, the enlightenment, mercantilism, as well as the Protestant and Catholic reformations opened up new horizons for cross-cultural contacts, too.</p>
<p>The texts discussed during the EMW 2012 included inquisition trials, correspondence, criminal trials, rabbinic court records, takkanot, works by Christian Hebraists, and more.</p>

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<author>EMW 2012</author>


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